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As paved the way for the arrival of Hugo Chávez (II)

1995: Begins the abolition of leadership.

Since Dr. Rafael Caldera took office in 1994, began to be felt in the military field, especially in the Army, the presence of his son, Gen. Ruben Rojas Matías Pérez as the his former aide to retired Major General Anibal Ribas Ostos, who was appointed Director of the DISIP. This officer who during his career had never excelled in his military merits, unless they were considered as such merits in the field sports, riding, was appointed head of the Military House of the President.

pressures exerted From there the four forces and thus received some general effective response extremely obedient. In the case of the National Guard, were notorious generals Julio Cesar Peña Sánchez, Luis Rincon Euro Vitoria, Freddy Alcazar Weir, Francisco Belisario Landis, and Ramon Antonio Rodriguez Mayol. Each of them must triumph over an officer uncomfortable or less compliant and were all used as executioners of their comrades.

Following the electoral victory of the coalition around the party Convergence was removed from his post as commanding general, with only six months in office (in the case as unusual as untimely change of the Minister of Defence) Major General Pedro Romero Farias, while his natural successor, Major General Rafael Caballero Jesus was left outside the institutional chain of command, so it assumes command of the National Guard Brigadier General Julio César Sánchez Peña.

For his part, General Euro Rincon Viloria, protected from Rivas Ostos General Major General reached to move to the extraordinary ability and professional qualifications of Brigadier General Felix Rodriguez Sequera. For the General Freddy Alcazar Weir, Francisco Belisario Landis, and Ramon Antonio Rodriguez Mayol they would eventually "win" then, to the extent that their promotions will progress.

In July 1995, my professional picture looked dark. He saw in the corner office of my institution capable of truncating general of noble aspirations and devoted subordinates to satisfy the whims of politicians (as they had seen and criticized earlier) and now the son of the President, his former aide and head of the political police and those from below pressured subordinates to exercise the power attributed to them by their friends in the Military or DISIP, such was the general case of Weir and Rodríguez Alcázar Mayol.

At the time of promotion, had some elements against me: First of a confidential report of the DISIP for the alleged use of stolen cars abroad. In this regard had already detected the origin and motive, so it was relatively easy to provide a strong defense to the Board of Assessment for promotion. Secondly, during my term in Maracaibo, I had earned the dislike of a city nicknamed "Chichilo" wealthy businessman accustomed to use his influence with the National Guard on the border to increase their personal wealth and trade, a fact that bothered greatly to the general Peña Rodríguez Sánchez and Mayo, personal friends of this individual, who among his possessions, had a typical ensemble of "bagpipes Zulia" in their recordings melodic style maracucho to devote their tracks to these two general and others.

the decisive moment arrived for my promotion to colonel, the Board of Governors of the Armed Forces, confirmed the first place according to the corresponding assessments and ordered me to make the appropriate changes, thanks to the institutional positions presented, with the exception of General Sanchez and General Peña Rojas Perez, the other distinguished officers general members of the military high command, particularly the Minister of Defence of then Maj. Gen. Moises Orozco Graterol and the General Commander of the Air Force, Major General Jose Luis Paredes Child. In terms of promotion to brigadier general were promoted Colonels Francisco Belisario Landis, Nakata José Guerra, Rafael Damiani Bustillos and Edgar Chirinos Navas. In this process, the officer with the best prospects was General Rafael Damiani Bustillos, however it was relegated to third place.

As a result of having ascended into the top of my class "Taking Callao, by my proper institutional tradition hold office Commander of the Corps of Cadets, as well as by internal directive of the General Command in July next I would correspond to the course of higher education in the Inter-American Defense College in Washington. It was also tradition that the return of the course, the officer Colonel was appointed Chief of Staff of the Regional Command No. 5. The reality again left to correspond with expectations. Although in July 1995, as expected, was appointed Commander of the Cadet Corps in 1996 was not sent to conduct the course of High Studies for National Defense in the Inter-American Defense College, while my place were sent Officer No. 2 aide to my promotion and President Caldera and the other a year old and had a year of delay in their promotions enabled who served as the Commanding General, Maj. Gen. Julio César Sánchez Peña. That year, I was appointed Chief of the Division of Assessment Officers Permanent Evaluation Board of the General Command, but not before receiving the Inspector General at the time, Major General Luis Rincon Euro Vitoria, the promise that next year when was the commanding general to do justice in my case.

The following year, they were sent, as was for the Official Gazette No. 1 promotion "August 4" who was the aide to President Caldera and Official No. 15 in my class, who served as Assistant Chief of the Military Division General Ruben Rojas Perez. That year, as the only alternative, I was sent along with 13 more officers to make the course of High Studies for National Defense in IAED. Upon completion of this course, I was assigned as chief of staff of the Regional Command No. 6 in San Fernando de Apure, while Officer No. 15 in my class on his return from Washington he was appointed head of the Regional Command No. 5, which as mentioned earlier , was a position traditionally occupied by merit.

During the year I turned duties as commander of the Corps of Cadets (August 1995-July 1996), was appointed head of a Board of Assessment for promotion to career professional NCOs (SOPC). In my job of analyzing the initial information provided by the Permanent Evaluation Board found a general error in the calculation of the ratings that comprise the Initial Order of Precedence (IPO) of all officers and SOPC and so I informed the General Brigade Chief of the Permanent Board of Assessment, General Francisco Belisario Landis, who put into consideration of its impact on the orders of merit promotions are subject to the assessment.

The response obtained from the General Francisco Belisario Landis was that the IPO had been sent to General Rojas Perez (who legally had no inherent connection, but in fact was the one who decided who should not promote or in which position should be promoted, regardless of what numerical values \u200b\u200bobjectives throw) and that it would no longer changes. It should be noted, that the document should never be sent to the Chief of the Military House because, as he said, he did not have any inherent therein. Such an act denoting a high degree of collusion in matters outside the norm that characterized the management of these officers and handling the orders of merit order to encourage their wards.

providence wanted in July 1996 was appointed to the post I pointed out earlier in the Permanent Board of Assessment and determine that the error I discovered the previous year was not such, but the calculations are deliberately manipulated to favor some officers , usually called wards, markedly affecting full promotion. Such is the case of the promotion of Major General Carlos Alfonzo Martinez Rafael, which were proposed for promotion only Colonels Mayol Ramón Rodríguez and Rubén Darío Silva Ruiz, 102% in their ratings, then a second instance, the Board of Governors of the Armed Forces included Colonel Carlos Rafael Alfonzo Martinez, who accounted for primarily by scores of service. Such manipulation left with no option to upgrade to the Colonels José Manuel Ruiz, Juan Marti Montes and Jesus Villegas Solarte. At that time, the head of the Permanent Board, Brigadier General Rubén Darío Silva Ruiz, listening to my statement on the case of 102% reported in detail to the Commanding General with the aim of the damages caused to many members of the Institution But General Luis Rincon Euro Viloria by constant fear that accompanied his gray management ordered the closure of any administrative action in this regard. While

how are you things happened in the National Guard, so did the other forces, in which general officers unconditional and submissive to the generals and Rivas Rojas Pérez Ostos, were squaring their chips regardless of the merits of other officers well-earned . Through their actions were eliminated natural leadership in the armed forces. National Guard, General Luis Rincon Viloria Euro succeeded by General Sanchez Peña, who often frightened by any decision that he was about to take, with the exception of actions directed against his subordinates, so for example, at the time that a cadet died EFOFAC caused by a shot in mysterious circumstances in the house of a Member of Congress, I ordered as Commander of the Cadet Corps signed a special party where deleting the word "alleged", without any investigation certifying that the cadet had committed suicide . The aim of the commanding general was to prevent the investigation of the case caused some discomfort to the Member or his family. Faced with my refusal, made Brigadier General Director of Officer Training School (EFOFAC) sign this part. Behind them

indecisive and submissive General General Rodriguez was Mayol, who was the conduit through which fell and caused havoc among the officers, the orders and wishes of the General Rojas Perez and Rivas Ostos. General Rincón Viloria, with characteristics very similar to the General Peña, Felix was succeeded by General Aquiles Gonzalez Loreto whose access to the General Command of the Force, despite the merit he possessed, was facilitated by his close friendship with General Rojas Perez, his former teammate Studies course in the IAED. Under his leadership, having failed in my two attempts to defend my right to take the course of higher education in the Inter-American Defense College and having no grounds whatsoever to be denied the right to take the course in the IAED, I joined the list of 14 designated official to do so in 1997 I started the course, which I finished in June 1998.

As time passed, institutional handlers, conspirators against the natural leader of the National Guard continued to work. For 1998, it was for the National Guard Command Major General Gerardo Rangel Parra, the only Major General in his class "II Battle of Valencia", later in 1999 would correspond to an Officer of the promotion "Battle of Ospino "which did not have any major general since since 1996, the year that his first choice was for him to rise, maneuvers to avoid the most distinguished and capable of such promotion upscale. Then, in 2000 was the turn of the promotion battle of Maturin, in which were General Gerardo Briceno Garcia with the first option Freddy institutional and General Alcazar Weir is supported by the guillotine of natural leadership clique of the Force.

Well, in the year 1998, election year, every officer involved unfairly that would be inconvenient to the interests of this group, with the presidential candidate Hugo Chavez. General and General Rangel Varela Parra Araque were left without charge and assumes command of the National Guard General Freddy Alcazar Weir, with plans to commandeer the institution for three years, since his retirement would occur in 2001. Thus, not only passed over two promotions, but over several senior officers in the Force.

immediately set off a wave of official retaliation against anyone who is perceived as not adept to the interests of these groups or in any way not to be identified as related to their political leanings.
Of course, I could not escape it. If my stay in the IAED was marked by discrimination and injustice when the results of certain evaluations, which for example led to my thesis was rated one of the worst in the course of "The Faculty", despite the jury during the defense of the same was awarded the highest rating, worse was the allocation of positions for new graduates, including those returning from the American College Defense. In the traditional Chiefs Elite Force, Regional Command No. 5 with headquarters in Caracas, as I mentioned earlier, was appointed Colonel No. 15 in my class making Callao, while the No. 1 promotion later who also came of that school, was sent to a minor unit. As far as I'm concerned, as punishment for actions "not identified and without foundation, "was sent to San Fernando de Apure Regional Command No. 6, a place where I was subjected on several occasions of reprimand for" conspirator, disloyalty, ingratitude, etc.. by the Commanding General of the National Guard, who insisted that the forces were conspiring to ignore the election result would be adverse to the candidate Chavez.

By December 1998, the most respected officers of the institution were delayed in their promotion, in their homes or holding do not conform to their abilities, while friends of Rojas Perez, Ostos Rivas, Rodriguez Mayol, spread terror between officers superiors and subordinates, the SOPC and the troops of the institution. Meanwhile, those former commanding generals who had opened the way for this state of affairs, began the descent into oblivion and anonymity. It is known that the institutional values \u200b\u200bthat are planted in our consciousness during the years of training does not completely abandon us and that from time to time, those who were buried with their actions, the surface to feel shame in front of others and against themselves.

This situation began to set in my mind a harsh reality. For several years my junior argued against the existence of two National Guard: A National Guard golden, full of virtues, honest and upright men and in contrast, a black National Guard, disgusting, full of vile and cowardly men, dishonest, full of vices and wickedness. The new scheme showed me that the pair of golden and black Guardia, an overlap of interests accommodating them together as a result of the lack of institutional vocation of those members who saw our Alma Mater, not a way to prepare to serve the country, but a vehicle to use it. These National Guard in any of the layers of command were found, they behave as employees and would be willing to accept leaders regardless of their moral quality. Just wanted to serve and serve no problems. Just send a uniform salary and supporting my family and meet their needs.

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As paved the way for the arrival of Hugo Chávez (I)

1993: Year of Victory "the chiriperos."

My experience in the National Guard since 1976, taught me that the conduct of the military most evolved in terms of personal interests of each, which may vary between some kind of vocational ministry through personal enjoyment and rude to the privileges that the degree, title or position could give them, recurrent behavior in all social and professional spheres of the country, where some were alive or clever and others assholes. This idiosyncratic property must be taken into account to understand the management that the regime of President Hugo Chavez has made it to exploit the benefit of its purported revolution.

Thus, those lieutenants sixty-two promoting members of El Callao graduates Takes on 5 July 1976 for 1993 and some were in retired for various reasons and thirties who were in service active, were in the grades of lieutenant colonel to two years and an option to Colonel for the month of July 1995, while some who had stayed behind for very bright or very assholes (recognizing in some cases than in Venezuela, to be honest is synonymous with stupid and sometimes luck does not help honest) were majors, captains and one lieutenant was still.

then, I held an administrative position in the Procurement Division of the Directorate of Administration of the Ministry of Defence, the Minister of Defense was the Radames Admiral Muñoz León, the President was Dr. Ramon J . Velasquez and the political situation was unpromising electorally for parties that had traditionally been alternating power in the country (Democratic Action and COPEI).

Dr. Rafael Caldera, former militant founder of the Social Christian Party COPEI, was the one who envisioned a way to channel popular discontent with the purpose of obtaining an electoral victory and to that end he dedicated his efforts senile group a series of minority political groupings with the idea of \u200b\u200bforming a coalition take him to the presidency of the Republic, which was called "the chiriperos" and gathered around a new party registered in the CSE or CSE as "convergence."

electoral process in December 1993, but split five games 95.5% of the electorate (AD 26.3%, 22.7% COPEI, Radical Cause (Causa R) 21.9%; CONVERGENCE 13.8% and the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) 10.8%) the result led to the rise to power of Dr. Rafael Caldera, who immediately relieved from the Ministry of Defence Vice-Admiral Muñoz Radames to place on your place of Major General Rafael Montero Reveta, unusual action to date, when, after the elections the Armed Forces were not affected by changes of staff and defense minister continued in the exercise of its functions to the month July, when usually going to retire. Causes

allegedly influenced the change of the Minister of Defence, it was rumored involvement in a possible plot to ignore the outcome of elections or to overthrow the newly elected President of the Republic, with the support of the United States. Who had somehow contacted the Minister we were surprised by such speculation and even more by the actions that were taken from the government and the Ministry of Defence against us.

As for myself, I was informed that my status as number one lieutenant colonel in my class, had been included in a shortlist which will elect a new aide by the National Guard for the President of the Republic However, after I was notified that he was not part of this triad and instead had been appointed commander of Detachment No. 35 of the National Guard headquarters in Maracaibo.

This was unusual, in that year and a half before I had served as commander of Detachment No. 53 based in Maiquetía. That unit, during the attempted coup of 1992, played an essential role to prevent the capture of President Carlos Andrés Pérez by a unit of the Navy on Monday, 3 February this year. As was discovered later that night, without trying and uninformed as I was, I gave instructions and orders necessary to take military control of the airport in the absence of the House military office and amid the uncertainty, the elements deter Marine Battalion No. 1 to act at the time of the presidential plane landed.
a new appointment for the activity command an operational unit of the National Guard was unusual and did presuppose a punishment, especially for the situation that prevailed in the unit, where days before a prison uprising in Sabaneta (under the responsibility Detachment No. 35) had left behind the one hundred and eight killed and sixty escaped in a single day.

The situation that existed in this detachment was explosive and during the year and a half I was in command of the it should act in numerous prison riots and brawls, as well as in other areas of responsibility of the unit, such as port and airport of Maracaibo, urban, rural and border, as well as overcome situations of confrontation with a regional authorities times for the defense of institutional prestige and integrity of some officers and troops under my command victims of retaliation for their actions according to law, the rules, morals and ethics and others in the pursuit of exemplary punishment the administrative or judicial for those of my subordinates, subject assets or liabilities of the commission of offenses or misdemeanors. In

vast majority of cases, my opponents denied the meaning of profit or political desires, such as the now Mayor of Maracaibo, Gian Carlo Di Martino, who from his position as Director of Sabaneta Prison, was the architect of dark compromises in her criminal environment within and outside the prison compound. The situation

joined a factor even greater pressure. My immediate boss was Brigadier General Germain Araque Rodolfo Varela, an official and very, very few in the National Guard. Extremely honest, upright and intelligent, yet uncompromising in making decisions and does not forgive the slightest mistake of their subordinates at the time of implementing the duty.

invariably operated in my various circumstances. On the one hand, given the quality and magnitude of the requirements of General Varela wanted to demonstrate the value of my ability and on the other, my professional pride would not let me fail the mission had to reluctantly accept that from my superiors Caracas were outstanding for my actions, as demonstrated track which I was subjected by the DISIP and by order of the Director, the retired General Hannibal Rivas Ostos, in which as a result I was involved in the use of stolen vehicles abroad, a fact which was completely distorted by the force and the force of my arguments and defense I had to make my professional integrity.

Another obstacle placed by my superiors to thwart my efforts, was a test of knowledge of National Shelter which was submitted and I should reply in writing with a pencil, which I left blank only one of the seventy-six questions I were made. The written test was taken to Caracas, where "miraculously" each of my answers turned into "no", why is my removal from office ahead so far played with great success against drug trafficking, smuggling and other crimes, and control problems Sabaneta prison.

Such removal, on the one hand cause a decrease in the goals achieved by the unit under his command and of course, would further the protection of all commercial activities Chichilo border (area businessman with close ties to General Officers of the National Guard also including Commander of the Institution, General Sanchez Peña), while the other would cause my leaving the National Guard, for both publicly and in the privacy of my family had repeatedly stated that before any stumbling block in my career immediately seek the floor of the institution.

Fortunately, before achieving its unhealthy purposes, the general who was behind the brazen and absurd maneuver, was removed from his post as head of National Shelter to be involved in criminal acts. Even today in my situation retired, I keep for safekeeping the documents that sought to incriminate and tests that I had to prove my innocence, not only in this case, but in many others where I left unscathed, because it deprived in Venezuela even a modicum of justice.

With the arrival of July 1995 would end my tenure at the head of such unit, where my management put me back in the promotion process to choose whether to remain in the institution or withdraw from it for give way to the interests of others.

This time the trigger would be the evaluation process for promotion to the rank of colonel, who once again put me first in my class but again, the forces of a dark and treacherous National Guard moved on that I Golden Guard called the real, which the Venezuelan people respected. The number one spot was moved to two, then to three and then four, leaving three officers privileged sites linked directly to a circle of generals and retired, that eager to build friends and influence, began to conspire against the authentic leadership institutional and promotional purpose of imposing leaders and unconditional obedience.

With this move, which I was already familiar with it because it was used against me or because sometimes I had to witness how good officers were pushed aside to favor professional terrible, operators of corporate office, they were accommodating parts little by little and how many knew, so that four years later, in the subsequent process of promotion to new levels, handling a little more and generally get started and complacent, obedient servants and unable to generate example, authority or rigor. Something that was not far from what we see today in Chavez's Venezuela. Suffice to read the curriculum of any of the heroes of the so-called revolution, if any document is written by them, in which mediocrity flourishes, to realize the lack of quality or minimum qualities.

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the night of February 3, 1992.

From the uncomfortable position of Commander of Detachment No. 53 in Maiquetía, I spent part of the story that one day we will know about the attempted coup of 1992.

This weekend I had the opportunity to read the document "Letter XVII", the citizens, on the occasion of the death of former President Carlos Andres Perez, Vice Admiral Mario Ivan Carratu Molina. In this letter, my friend, Vice Admiral Carratú, publicly disclose details about what their relatives and those weighted by himself as objective, honest and conscientious, have had the privilege of meeting directly through a close and friendly contact.

In the body of the letter, Carratú do a quick flight over the various circumstances that led him to form an opinion of their own, I consider that very successful on the political intrigue that took place in Venezuela in the 90's and was formed , as I see, a replica of earlier ones, resulting from compliance with sociopolitical generational cycles.

That there was a conspiracy against democracy throughout their entire life in Venezuela, as no doubt. Venezuelan democracy that did not prove as other countries because it was full of elements or "sui generis" that marked his target, I believe. The causes of the loss of our Democracy summarizes in very few words as follows: Envy, the desire for influence and money, the immediate present in the Venezuelan social behavior, the intrigues, the siege imposed on the power and blindness of the rulers.

As my friend says Carratu, the current overall situation being experienced by our country was not caused by military superiors and subordinates, NCOs and troops were involved in the events of 1992. They were only the executors or the tactical elements of a rebellion, the artisans' strategic coup attempts remained anonymous for fear of prosecution by the authorities at the time and try to stay under the protection of it, for fear the trial of history.

On the night of February 3, 1992, being the commander of Detachment No. 53 of the National Guard unit responsible for the safety of Maiquetia International Airport, where after 10 pm would land the presidential plane with President Carlos Andrés Pérez a bordo, a pesar de ser un oficial de rango mediano de la Guardia Nacional, “tenía”que estar enterado de lo que el Alto Mando del ejército sabía desde las 10 de la mañana, información la cual se mantuvo en manos de un círculo muy estrecho de Oficiales General de esa Fuerza y que ni siquiera había sido puesta en conocimiento de mis superiores dentro de la Guardia Nacional, como lo eran el Jefe del Comando Regional Nº 5, el General de Brigada José Vicente Leccia Madrid y el Comandante General de la Guardia Nacional, General de División Fredis Ventura Maya Cardona.

En conversaciones que tuve con mi amigo Carratú, sentí una permanente sensación de incredulidad y digo esto, because I found it amazing how every time I considered what assumptions on my part, found a remarkable coincidence with the events he recounted to me. It was the shock of the truth after years of speculation. Such a perception I've had since year 92 so far, every time I cross my suspicions with other parties involved in any way with the facts.

For the first time I'll write about them, but before doing so, in this paper will go a summary of the events before and after that let me say, as does my friend Carratu, the attempted coups of the year 92 and that it "Caracazo" of 1989, were made conspiracy hatched from the upper echelons of power, under the protection of anonymity, intrigue and corruption. My short story is:

For 1992, I was appointed commander of Detachment No. 53 in the Maiquetia International Airport. There, he fought for control of the formal and informal internal and external to the National Guard and Armed Forces. In a sandwich, the unit I commanded was besieged by:

1. Civil and military forces of all interests in the airport customs: Army Officers, Guard, Navy, Air Force and economic groups politicians. Smugglers with
2. power and influence in government, political, economic and military. Narcotics
3. connections in the heart of the security forces stationed in the airport security companies, airlines and airport workers.
4. Pressure Drug Enforcement National Guard, held by Brigadier General Orlando Hernández Villegas, with unclear interests to establish an impenetrable circle was "ropes" of balancing on the thin line between good and evil.
5. An unusual interest in the Marine Corps and the Naval Police, to take over airport security, a fact that was consistent for me after what happened on the night of February 3 before the arrival of the President at the airport, where the protagonist was Admiral Daniels Hernández.

On the night of February 3, at approximately 8:20 PM, I received orders from the Commanding General of the National Guard to wait for a lieutenant colonel in the DIM, surnamed Orellana, who was going to carry confidential information . This commander never showed and instead, later, the head of the SID at the airport sent two of its officials to borrow 6 FAL rifles. Faced with my refusal to do so, let me know by phone (after I confessed that he was not personally to order, because he thought I could be linked to the coup) that the guns needed to provide his men, because he had information of a possible attack against the president.

To finish setting an alarm, the Military, which was installed to receive the President with two hours notice, should have arrived at 8 pm and had not done and not even the official coordinator had submitted to the detachment.

Under these circumstances and taking into account that the same general commander had asked me not away from the commanding position and wait for the commander Orellana, I decided to run the Rapid Response Plan, execution of which have all turned out a hoax, surely would have brought the end of my career in the military.

between 9:30 and 10 pm, (at times gives urgency, generally lost the sense of time) came to my caravan Detachment of the Minister of Defence, the Minister Fernando Ochoa Antich and ordered me to gather staff because they had information of a possible attack against the President at the airport, I could not keep order and explained that he could not, because all the unit was deployed to fulfill the Response Plan. Then commands the lieutenant Vigil Sabino Rodriguez, who warn the Marines about the situation. The officer is wrong and instead of going to the command of the infantry located in Catia La Mar, where he was to be Admiral Walter Becerra Contreras, goes to the Marine Battalion Bolivar No. 1 located at Avenida Soublette Maiquetia. Upon his return, he participates in the General Ochoa compliance of his order, but I said that the Navy and was therefore taken into account in the battalion, had tanks with their engines running, staff had met with camouflaged faces and campaign team. Then I hear, they had tricolor bracelets in one of his arms. Strangely, the soldiers of the Naval Police, "disappeared" of checkpoints, to appear in the morning in the basement of the airport, where he met a Captain, if I remember last name Fernandez, whose appointment as head of security of ICMI (International Institute Maiquetía Airport) had much to see Admiral Daniels, Inspector General of the armed forces, who intervened in my unit with a committee of its dependence, to realize the transition from the role of the internal security of the airport, the National Guard to the Naval Police . There, on file with the unit must find guest books and novelties where everything was written. Someone once told me that those books were useless for nothing, but until needed.

I also found it strange that only until 5 am on February 4, appeared Admiral Walter Contreras Becerra, commander of the Marines, who unsuccessfully tried to find the commander of Detachment 58, Puerto de la Guaira and me. In the following days, we were called and threatened with sanctions, because "we had warned" of what was happening.

As if this were not enough, I was surprised to know that the motorcade of Minister of Defense, when he came to my unit came back from the highway Caracas - La Guaira and had been at the airport a few meters from my unit, but I could notify the staff on duty (when I called the troops to punish them, I was informed that the Minister himself had said that I did not notice because I was leaving immediately to Caracas) having left approximately 8 and 8:30 pm to Caracas

units of the Military arrived just before the presidential plane landed, thanks to the General Leccia Madríd personally implemented enabling operating backflow channel on Highway Caracas - La Guaira, because one of the tunnels had been torched a vehicle and had not therefore step in the north south direction.

Once the alarm became general, began arriving in Caracas, DIM, DISIP, PTJ and other personalities. Presidential plane landed and when I witnessed the President assured him that was not happening at all, that there were only rumors. Leccia Madrid General ordered me to spend the night in my unit, because something strange was happening and had to be alert. At about 12 I called and told me he was going a coup.

What happened that night and part of next day, should be thoroughly investigated and it was designated a critical National Guard Colonel, Rigoberto Hernandez Armas, whom I interviewed and who asked me it was preparing an extensive report of what he had heard and seen that night in Maiquetía. The Colonel told me that there were many general officers involved and that there would come a great scandal. He was later relieved of research and my testimony was never sought by those in charge of the investigation. The link of the Navy with the coup plotters was only noticed on November 27 when there was the second attempt. Maiquetía episodes were never investigated. Very long was that night and left many loose ends to be tied. Soon, they and many others will come to light.

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The Departed Chavez government in Miami.

S ccording some and No time to infiltrate spies into the" empire "to forestall the feared invasion plans, it would seem that the Venezuelan government is more important details of the life of Venezuelan exiles.

Today I decided to write on the theme of "infiltrators from Miami Venezuelan government, which while it may seem trivial and insignificant compared to a scenario where the fate of an entire country is at issue in all areas, it is necessary to bring it up under it, not imagine, became an experience in my life of exile, as a result of my discreet public action, independent of any kind of radicalism, fanaticism and passion.

To enter either in the subject, I appeal as I have sometimes my immodesty, only for the purpose of making known to those who ignore some aspects of my life, especially professional, who were the ones who took me near the end of a successful military career to the condition of political exile, a condition never prior plan or even imagined that I would label my life.

During my tenure of 31 years in the National Guard of Venezuela , including 4 years of military training in the EFOFAC, my career was marked by success despite the pitfalls confronting typical with the Venezuelan reality, a personality forged in the womb of a humble and simple, where honesty, respect and honor were the cornerstones of my citizenship education. Throughout those years, I repeat, despite clashes with the corrupt power and envy, lies and the dishonesty of some superiors, peers and subordinates, without which I would not have been possible to learn about the baseness of men, my professional value was always recognized by all kinds of expressions.

When the nightmare now refuses to abandon the dreams of Venezuelans began, I reached the rank of colonel and first place in the Order of Merit in my class, as always, so when I promoted the rank of General in the same since without any problem. Two and half years later, as I was serving as Director National Identification and Immigration in the DIEX, was a Brigadier General with greater choice for promotion to Major General, supported by institutional sectors of the Guard National Public Administration. I planned my career as a potential Commander in Chief National Guard, projection is not fulfilled, in the worst case, I could have generated significant roles in other positions, with enviable financial resources or privileges, which by the way, did not match my aspirations.

Whatever the case, the throw to the opposite side of government and power structures have been a daring and yet I did on 11 April 2002, when my conscience told me it was my duty. But reckless was worth giving up the culmination of a successful military career, almost suicide was an open confrontation against an outlaw state, built in protector, financier and disseminator of terrorism in the region, the scene in which I was involved in making allegations with evidence in hand, which became even internationally. Only when the evidence pointed to the corrupt Venezuelan justice to be responsible for the crimes alleged against me, but Colombian and Venezuelan terrorists had launched a plan to take "holidays" to the Colombian jungle road Arauca, I opted for the flight of my homeland and seek exile in another country in April 2005.

At Miami, eager to get in touch with a strong, monolithic and friendly exile, I took the first steps toward various groups and individuals at the time, where I was greeted with enthusiasm in some, with suspicion in others, but all I found as a common desire to do something for the country I left behind. But all was not as he had earned during the first months, with the passage of time, I noticed that although our enemy was in Venezuela, in exile had hostile elements with irreconcilable positions including that permeated their antagonism to those around them, to the point of contact with any individuality that was not liked by some, was subject to disqualification and rebuke from others. Gradually, I discovered that the only condition of exile was not enough to be accepted into any of the groups that were formed. was also necessary to demonstrate loyalty and submission to the internal as well as rejection of solidarity to the outside. Something like what he calls the Venezuelan regime to his followers recorded in the PSUV.

On several occasions I was alerted to the presence of some "undercover" government in exile in Miami, whose activity delatoria infiltrates was proportionally related to the disagreements they may have with certain groups, as well as personal characteristics positions would be incompatible with the merely personal, often radical and disadvantages. Naturally I took my expectations in this regard and I chose to avoid "contaminating" virus could become infiltrated without even I myself noticed. However my expectations, and in a couple of times countrymen (be to to use this word to be a confirmation n or that I've become an insider?) in exile have warned others about that in m í infiltration of Chavez lives.

Without even imagine, even though my actions in the past that have left more evidence of the deep and irreconcilable differences that separate me from the sickening chavismo that turns red and shame on Venezuela, I met the same fate de aquellos de quienes me pidieron cuidarme en algún momento, solo que mi reacción no será de desaliento como les ha ocurrido a algunos, sino que por el contrario, me empeñaré en trabajar cada día más para difundir lo que, ocurriendo todos los días en mi país, otros prefieren callar en unos casos o confinar en otros a las tertulias de fin de semana en casas de familia o en lugares de diversión. No decaeré en mi esfuerzo por hacer cuanto esté a mi alcance por ayudar a mi país ante las actuales circunstancias, realizando todas las acciones o actividades que sean necesarias, inclusive, aquellas que activaron la maliciosa lengua de algún resentido, mal informado o elucubrador hardened, whose circumstances and motives forced to make public the size of their envy and its inequities.

Do nothing from tampering from individuals trying to feed their credibility at the expense of others, could constitute an act of assent to this accusation, what that "silence gives consent." Exit to look for the propagator of infamy to claim their actions, it could even be considered wrong for the person receiving the offense, by that which "the truth hurts." Such arguments as well as false and malicious, act as deterrent to those who have no chance of successfully confront the victim of snakebite imprecations. However, given the need to visit any of the options, do not go into silence for any reason and in my case, the theme of today is the rejection of my hand, not only by the laughable dispersion of a species not credible and malicious on my person, whose likelihood of occurrence is totally at odds with my consistency moral and the size of the sacrifice that brought me into exile, but also a public challenge in defense of those "Infiltrated" by the grace of unscrupulous charlatans, whose performance in exile against the corrupt and disgraceful today oppresses our Nation, has been exposed to indecent slander people, whose only merit is to serve as agents of the same enemy they seek to combat, perhaps prey defensive psychological mechanism of projection.

is very possible that there are infiltrators among Venezuelans Chavez that we are in the dignified exile. is very sure that some of our steps will call attention to facineroso Bolivarian government, but the damage that such contacts may ask, is infinitely less important than producing an anti-Chavez speculation full of resentment, anger, envy and hatred, whose shameful action it the biggest traitor of traitors.

Creatine For Jiu Jitsu

A new year and different expectations.

The Venezuelan people expect the best of the new year, the government, only less bad than 2010.

Last night of December 31, is the fifth to step out of my country. Of all the above, I remember clearly was the first: In my mind are still clear phone conversations I had that night, waving to my family and friends, people who were in the place where I received in 2006, how cold it was at that time, in short, almost everything. The following year-end are confused in my mind and stopped being a date easy to remember, to become any given night, where the first of January is only a day where the vast majority of businesses in Miami are closed and unless who wants a go empty streets, the best option is to stay at home.

Last night was no exception to the rule of the last four years. However, despite the detalles de cada noche de año nuevo se diluyen y pasan a formar de la cotidianidad, este 31 de diciembre del 2010 tiene algo de especial y ese algo tiene que ver con la esperanza. Tengo la certeza que el año 2011 va a ser la antesala de los acontecimientos que pondrán a los venezolanos al frente de su destino.

Pienso además que la misma percepción la tiene la gran mayoría de los venezolanos preocupados por nuestro país. Cada quien en su respectivo nivel socioeconómico, mientras celebraba su noche de Año Nuevo con comida, licor y pólvora, hacía votos para que el nuevo año le trajera algún alivio, tal vez económico, a su situación y sobre todo paz, seguridad personal y algo de felicidad. The families of some 17,000 people, ie some 68,000 families, who in 2010 had to bury their loved ones after violent deaths, may not be added to the euphoria of New Year's Eve and certainly do not expect anything from future.

Meanwhile, those living on the government at the expense of their missions, spent the holiday certainly date under the anxiety that surely causes them to see the captain of your ship, directing no intention of correcting heading towards disaster. The feeling that in the very near future will be abandoned and the crumbs that fall from the table of the revolution were gripping the soul and fills them with fear and uncertainty. For them 2011 is a silhouette blurred that fails to arrive and would prefer to think in 2021 that the leader has not been repeated for some time.

The revolution oligarchs looking at the opposition, but actually living in his red breast, might be more worried about New Year's Eve. The degree of concern would be directly proportional to the wealth and inversely proportional to hold the lawfulness of their business. The immediate future in 2011 would depend on the margins of their negotiations and the life that detracts from its revolution would depend on the health of your business.

Finally, for the government, the New Year wish is that 2011 is less bad than the 2010, but as I said the so-called leader of the revolution in an Alo Presidente I remember, "impregnate desires." The country has taken a path and is the one that has brought the 'Revolution of XXI Century "and that road has an end, as all roads of the earth. The end of the revolution in the case of Hugo Chavez is failure and disappointment of those who dared to believe in him and trust their own destinies in the hands of a swindler of illusions.

need not be a magician to know, that before the goal for both sides of the conflict created in Venezuela by Dictator Wannabe installed in the palace of Miraflores, such as the electoral process of 2012, extends a chronological gap of two years, which will be very hard for all Venezuelans, only that "warring parties" are on different slopes, while the opposition is growing, the government project goes into a slow decline but constant. As I said a while ago, the Chavez iceberg is melting slowly. According to as he had done in 2008, life expectancy was for more than 4 years, but last year, as well as being adverse to the government for exogenous reasons, for reasons entirely dependent on making bad decisions of the Presidency, became an ordeal that ended 31 December 2010, but continues as of January 1, 2011.